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cular, often had to wait for long periods while others



had room in which to develop their own

thoughts in their own way. We also used the Lot System for

equalizing shit-work. Our list of consciousness-raising topics

grew into four lists of about fifty topics each: one relating

to our homosexual oppression; one relating to our

anti-woman feelings; one interrelating our homosexual

oppression with our racism; and one exploring the relations

between homosexuality and class. We also deveJoped a

two-meeting week that alternated between consciousness–

raising and political work. The first meeting-night was set

aside tu build Unity in the group by sharing our suffering;

the second night, later in the week, was used for Struggle

by means of criticism and self-criticism. They rhythm of

Unity-Struggle-Unity was meant to sustain us as we began

to face outwards as an action-oriented tactical squad.

Tactical practice usually took place after Struggle

meetings; the tactical leader was chosen by lot for each

"run;" each had a number so that the tac leader could call

formations for walking, running through the streets, for

patrolling a cruising area where police or jocks harrassed

homosexuals (park, dock, etc.), and for moving through a

demonstration. As it happened, all of this practice made us

street-seasoned in time to take part, during the late summer

of that year, in an urban riot of lesbians and faggots-in

which we functioned with skill and efficiency.

More and more, we . became an action group. We stood

with the last occupiers of NYU's Weinstein Hall (an action

protesting that institutions's anti-homosexual bigotry)

when the GLF masculinists fled in the face of impending

police violence. We helped plan and took part in the

disruption of an anti-homosexual play at the Gate Theater;

Clive Barnes, the drama critic of the NY Times, lauded the

point of our protest and panned the play. And we were

.among those disrupting a conference of anti-homosexual

(male) psychiatrists at Downstate Medical Center in

Brooklyn. At the second Christopher Street parade (by

which time we were the oldest small group functioning in

the New York Gay movement), we declared war on the

sexism of the Warhol movie industry in a leaflet attacking

his film, Pigs-their word for us. Interestingly, the anger

generated by merely supplying the homosexual community

with this information was enough to prevent (or at least

postpone) the film's release and national distribution.

Another leaflet called for the creation of a national

anti-male-supremacist network of small groups of faggots.

That has now begun to happen. Quite independently of

us, a group known as The Effeminist began to publish a

newspaper in Berkeley, with politics similar to ours. There

is also a new Bay Area Flaming Faggots, a newly-formed

New York group, and other groups now existing or

threatening to come into existence (at last report) in places

as remote as Seattle, Washington, and Sarasota, Florida.

Happily, the title of The Effeminist newspaper itself

suggests a new term to describe this emerging politics oi

anti-masculinism, whatever its origin, that can and mus\

completely alter the nature of our struggle. The politics I

am speaking of is emerging to the left of the Gay Liberation

Movement entirely and can only be called Revolutionary

Effeminism. It is part of a gathering force that has already

begun to change the world.



ecently, as this new politics has started making

itself visible in a dozen different places, spontane–

ously or synergistically, The Flaming Faggots

themselves are in flux. I heard from one



original members that he was preparing a substantial

bibliography of material pertinent to homosexual oppres–

sion. I myself have been travelling around the country,

speaking to effeminists and faggots, visiting their conscious–

ness groups or helping to form them, struggling with them

in criticism and self-criticism sessions, and confronting the

oppressor with them. At present, I am in Sarasota at New

College, a hoopla pseudo-experimental Hollywood haven

designed to apathize students with repressive tolerance as

though it were the liberation they really hungered for

instead. But effeminist students, rejecting this plastic

oppression, have presented the administration with a list of

demands concerning their right to sexual self–

determination, and have thus ripped off the liberal mask

that hides bigotry, assaults, police harrassment, persecution,

and expulsion merely for being overtly homosexual. A

nationally noted critic, Benjamin DeMott, triggered our

anger by calling us "screaming fags" when we asked him

about the possibility of an effeminist studies program.

Amazingly enough, a few straight effeminists came

forward, willing to accept the leadership of faggots, willing

to be identified as faggots, but also willing to work with us

for our demands by any effective means. Gay masculinists

(always willing to be taken as straight) have accused The

Flaming Faggots and effeminists in general of categorically

hating straight men and thus being separatists, whatever

that bullshit means. To such a charge, what better answer

could we make?

Faced with the administration's rejection of our de–

mands, a struggle promising further confrontations has

begun that encouragingly enough the New College president

himself has said could destroy the institution, since

conservative trustees could never tolerate or even under–

stand the mere presence of unashamed effeminists on

campus, much tess an effeminist studies program, an

effeminist community community center etc. Previous GLF

material had not succeeded in mobilizing these homosexual

men; this new anti-masculinist consciousness did. Some for

the first time felt that there was a movement which was

actually talking about


and not some straight leftish

he-manor muscle-building biker or queer-hating Jagger. We

are on our way, fellow faggots and effeminists. There is no

turning back. We will have our humanity this time, or

humanity itself will perish.